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Giving Radical Islam Its Start
By
Dinesh D'Souza
Townhall.com
Recently Jimmy Carter was on television, denouncing President
Bush’s policies in Iraq. I find this highly ironic,
because Jimmy Carter and his liberal advisers helped the
Ayatollah Khomeini to come to power in Iran a quarter of a
century ago. Thus they gave radical Islam control of its
first major state. How this happened is worth recalling,
because from Carter’s failure there’s a valuable lesson to be
learned in Iraq.
Islamic radicals have been around since the 1920s, but for
decades they were outsiders even in the Muslim countries.
One of their leading theoreticians, Sayyid Qutb, argued that
radical Muslims could not just promulgate theories and have
meetings; they must seek to realize the Islamic state "in a
concrete form." What was needed, he wrote, was "to
initiate the movement of Islamic revival in some Muslim
country." Once the radicals controlled a state, he
suggested, they could then use it as a beachhead for launching
the takeover of other Muslim countries.
In 1979, Qutb’s goal was achieved when the Ayatollah Khomeini
seized power in Iran. The importance of the Khomeini
revolution is that it demonstrated the viability of the Islamic
theocracy in the modern age. And to this day post-Khomeini
Iran provides a viable model of what the Islamic radicals hope
to achieve throughout the Muslim world.Khomeini also popularized the idea of America as a "great
Satan." Before Khomeini, no Muslim head of state had said
this about America. Khomeini was also the first Muslim
leader in the modern era to advocate violence as a religious
duty and to give special place to martyrdom. Since
Khomeini, Islamic radicalism has continued to attract aspiring
martyrs ready to confront the Great Satan. In this sense,
the seeds of 9/11 were sown a quarter of a century ago when
Khomeini came to power.
Khomeini’s ascent to power was aided by the policies of Jimmy
Carter and his allies on the political left. Carter was
elected president in 1976 by stressing his support for human
rights. From the time he took office, the left contrasted
Carter’s rights doctrine with the Shah’s practices. The
left denounced the Shah as a vicious and corrupt dictator,
highlighting and in some cases magnifying his misdeeds.
Left-leaning officials such as Secretary of State Cyrus Vance,
UN envoy Andrew Young, and State Department human rights officer
Patricia Derian pressed Carter to sever America’s longstanding
alliance with the Shah. Eventually Carter came to agree
with his liberal advisers that he could not in good conscience
support the Shah.
When the Shah moved to arrest mullahs who called for his
overthrow, leftists in America and Europe denounced these
actions. Former diplomat George Ball called on the U.S.
government to curtail the Shah’s exercise of power.
Acceding to this pressure, Carter called for the release of
political prisoners and warned the Shah not to use force against
the demonstrators in the streets.
When the Shah petitioned the Carter administration to purchase
tear gas and riot control gear, the human rights office in the
State Department held up the request. Some, like State
Department official Henry Precht, urged the U.S. to prepare the
way for the shah to make a "graceful exit" from power.
William Miller, chief of staff on the Democrat-controlled Senate
Intelligence Committee, said America had nothing to fear from
Khomeini since he would be a progressive force for human rights.
U.S. Ambassador William Sullivan even compared Khomeini to
Mahatma Gandhi, and Andrew Young termed the ayatollah a
"twentieth century saint."
As the resistance gained momentum and the Shah’s position
weakened, he looked to the United States government to help him.
Carter aide Gary Sick reports that the Shah discovered many
enemies, and few friends, in the Carter administration.
Increasingly paranoid, the Shah pleaded with the United States
to help him stay in power. Carter refused. Deprived
of his last hope, with the Persian rug pulled out from under
him, the Shah decided to abdicate. The Carter
administration encouraged him to do so, and the cultural left
celebrated his departure. The result, of course, was
Khomeini.
The Carter administration’s role in assisting with the downfall
of the Shah is one of America’s great foreign policy disasters
of the twentieth century. In trying to get rid of the bad
guy, Carter got the worse guy. His failure, as former
Democratic senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan once said, was the
result of being "unable to distinguish between America’s friends
and enemies." Carter does not deserve sole discredit for
these actions. This intellectual framework that shaped
Carter’s misguided strategy was supplied by the political left.
By aiding the Shah’s ouster and with Khomeini’s consolidation of
power, the left collaborated in giving radical Islam its
greatest victory in the modern era. Incredibly this same
cast of characters who lost Iran wants to block Bush’s policies
in Iraq. In doing so they are playing with fire. The
radical Muslims who already control Iran are trying to bring a
second major state, Iraq, into their orbit. Then, they
have said, they will target Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Yes, Iraq maybe a mess but in trying to get out of a bad
situation, we don’t want to create a worse situation.
Insurgency and sectarian strife is dangerous, but Iraq in the
hands of Iranian fanatics or Al Qaeda fanatics is far more
dangerous. America doesn’t need more foolish advice from
Jimmy Carter. What it needs from him is an apology.

© copyright Beckwith 2007
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